beige.party is one of the many independent Mastodon servers you can use to participate in the fediverse.
A home to friendly weirdos. The Grey Gardens of the Fediverse (but beige). Occasionally graphically cacographic. Definitely probably not a cult (though you'll never be 100% sure). Beige-bless 🙏

Server stats:

445
active users

#politicalprisoners

5 posts4 participants0 posts today

From 2024: #HumanRightsWatch - #Venezuela: Brutal #Crackdown on #Protesters, Voters

Killings, #MassArrests Following Elections

(Bogota) – "Venezuelan authorities are committing widespread #HumanRights violations against #protesters, #bystanders, #opposition leaders, and critics following the July 28, 2024, presidential election, Human Rights Watch said today. Concerned governments should push for independent verification of the electoral results and support international efforts to ensure accountability.

"International observers have raised serious concerns about the July 29 announcement by Venezuela’s National Electoral Council (CNE) that #NicolásMaduro had been re-elected president. Following the announcement, thousands of protesters have taken to the streets, in largely peaceful protests, to demand a fair counting of the votes. Human Rights Watch has documented that Venezuelan authorities and #ProGovernment armed groups known as '#colectivos' have committed widespread abuses, including killings, arbitrary detention and prosecution, and harassment of critics. On September 2, a judge issued an arrest warrant against opposition candidate #EdmundoGonzález for '#conspiracy,' 'incitement to #disobedience' and other crimes.

" 'The repression we are seeing in Venezuela is shockingly brutal,' said Juanita Goebertus, Americas director at Human Rights Watch. 'Concerned governments need to take urgent steps to ensure that people are able to peacefully protest and that their vote is respected.'

"Venezuelans voted in the presidential election in large numbers, despite irregular government actions and human rights violations in the lead-up to the election, including arrests of opposition members, arbitrary disqualifications of opposition candidates, and restrictions on Venezuelans #voting abroad. Several hours after polls closed, Venezuela’s electoral council declared that Maduro had won the election with over 51 percent of the vote. The Electoral Council has not released the tally sheets from the election, nor conducted the audits and citizen verification processes required by law.

"The United Nations Electoral Technical Team and the #CarterCenter, which observed the elections, said the process lacked transparency and integrity, and questioned the declared result. They indicated that, instead, the precinct-level tally sheets that the opposition made public were reliable. The Carter Center noted that the tally sheets showed, with 81 percent of the votes counted, that #González had won the election by a significant margin.

"Venezuelans have taken to the streets across the country, particularly in low-income areas traditionally supportive of the Chavismo movement, where many incidents of #repression have taken place.

"Human Rights Watch received credible reports of 24 killings in the context of #protests from independent local groups, including Foro Penal, Justicia Encuentro y Perdón, Monitor de Víctimas, and Provea, or discovered them on social media. Human Rights Watch independently documented 11 of these cases, including by reviewing death certificates, verifying videos and photographs, and interviewing 20 people, including witnesses and other local sources. Many relatives, witnesses, and others were not willing to be interviewed because they feared #GovernmentRetaliation.

"Human Rights Watch analyzed and verified 39 videos and 2 photographs of protests found on social media platforms or sent directly to researchers by people close to the victims, and by local organizations and journalists.

"Researchers confirmed the exact locations where these videos were filmed; used information such as shadows, weather patterns, and upload dates to determine the time of day; and consulted with forensic pathologists and arms experts, who analyzed the injuries and weapons that were seen and heard.

"According to Venezuelan authorities, they arrested over 2,400 people in connection with protests. The local pro bono group #ForoPenal recorded over 1,580 '#PoliticalPrisoners' who have been arrested since July 29, including 114 children. Prosecutors have charged hundreds with sometimes broadly defined crimes carrying harsh sentences, such as '#incitement to hatred,' '#resistance to #authority,' and 'terrorism.'

"The government has also intensified its broader repressive tactics, cancelling passports of critics to prevent them from leaving the country, encouraging citizens to report on #demonstrators, and conducting abusive #raids, especially in low-income communities. On August 15, Maduro’s supporters in the National Assembly passed a law that grants the government #BroadPowers to control and shut down nongovernmental organizations [#NGOs]."

Read more:
hrw.org/news/2024/09/04/venezu

Police hurl a tear gas canister at protesters demonstrating against the announced election results declaring Nicolas Maduro's reelection, the day after the vote, in Caracas, Venezuela, July 29, 2024.
Human Rights Watch · Venezuela: Brutal Crackdown on Protesters, VotersVenezuelan authorities are committing widespread human rights violations against protesters, bystanders, opposition leaders, and critics following the July 28, 2024, presidential election, Human Rights Watch said today. Concerned governments should push for independent verification of the electoral results and support international efforts to ensure accountability.

Update on Casey Goonan’s Case

Update from the Casey Support Committee as of 4/8/25

Sentencing hearing postponed and more evidence entered into discovery

Casey’s sentencing has been rescheduled to June 10th, 1 pm, at the Oakland federal courthouse. We will be mobilizing court support again for this hearing so stay tuned for confirmation and guidelines a few weeks before that date. We hope it won’t be rescheduled yet again but know that is a possibility. Also of note is that since the plea deal the US Attorney has entered substantial new material into evidence consisting of a large amount of phone call audio and copies of correspondence between Casey and supporters obtained via the jail’s monitoring of communications. This is concerning, but let it serve as a reminder that all comms into jails and prisons are actively monitored and that it is incumbent upon everyone to maintain responsible communication habits.

Rescheduling the sentencing hearing also means there is more time to people who know Casey personally to send the lawyers letters of character to file with the judge. If you want the guidelines and details, hit us up at cscommittee@proton.me.

Health and well being

As you probably know Casey has had a very difficult year health wise, but has been doing better physically in the last month even though they have repeatedly gotten sick from their food. As a result they have been spending a lot of time in bed, and haven’t been up for doing much letter writing lately. Letters are always appreciated but correspondence is also challenging due to 2-4 week delays in receiving mail. The emotional toll of the sentencing date being moved and continuing to be in the limbo of Santa Rita is taking a toll on their sleep and mental health. But they are doing their best to stay on top of their program and keep their energy and spirits up.

Visits

Visits are very appreciated by Casey! They can be in person at the jail or by video.
For all the details for scheduling in person or video visits:
https://www.alamedasheriff.gov/…/santa-rita-jail-visiting

To write:
Casey Goonan #UMF227
Santa Rita Jail
5325 Broder Blvd.
Dublin, CA 94568

Support the Casey Goonan Legal Defense Fund

Casey is still in need of ongoing support to cover legal costs, restitution and fines. Though they’ve had some great support, we have a ways to go. In addition to the cost of legal defense, sentencing will definitely mandate substantial restitution and fines. Thank you so much to all those who have already contributed and organized support!

Some ways to support:
– Throw fundraising events and raffles
– Spread the word, share posts, and directly contact large donors.
– Print up a QR code for the Chuffed account, share the details of the case and the legal defense fund while tabling at events
– Send funds directly to the Chuffed account at https://chuffed.org/project/SupportCasey

You can reach out to us at cscommittee@proton.me or the freecaseynow Instagram for any questions about collaboration, promotion, or guidance on fundraising.

Love and struggle,

CSC

Update on Casey Goonan’s case

abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=

Turkey: 10 Revolutionary Prisoners on Indefinite Hunger Strike

Ten revolutionary prisoners are on an indefinite hunger strike in Turkish prisons to denounce prison isolation (especially in S, Y and R type prisons), forced transfers and to demand better conditions of detention. Many actions are being organised all over Europe to support them, including hunger strikes by people in solidarity.

• Sercan Ahmet Arslan: on hunger strike since 18/10/2024

• Serkan Onur Yılmaz: on hunger strike since 09/12/2024

• Mulla Zincir: on hunger strike since 12/12/2024

• Bakican Işık: on hunger strike since 18/12/2024

• Yurdagül Gümüş: on hunger strike since 30/12/2024

• Mithat Öztürk: on hunger strike since 11/02/2025

• Hasan Ali Akgün: on hunger strike since 17/02/2025

• Ali Aracı: on hunger strike since 17/02/2025

• Ayberk Demirdöğen: on hunger strike since 10/03/2025

• Fikret Akar: on hunger strike since 29/03/2025

Source: https://secoursrouge.org/turquie-10-prisonniers-revolutionnaires-en-greve-de-la-faim-illimitee/

abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=

Northern Ireland: Extradition of Jim Donegan

The Irish republican, Jim Donegan, was handed over to British forces for being involved in the IRA’s armed struggle in 1979. He is charged with the murder of Mr Porter, a member of the Ulster Defence Regiment, between 22 June and 25 June 1979, and with possession of a firearm and ammunition with intent to endanger life and membership of a banned organisation, the Provisional IRA. In March, Justice Patrick McGrath ordered Donegan’s surrender.

On Wednesday, April 2, the 67-year-old man from Cavan was handed over to the PSNI (Police Service of Northern Ireland) on the border of County Armagh. He appeared in Newry Magistrates’ Court, a relative of Donegan’s offered the deeds of his house, as well as a sum of 10,000 pounds for his release on bail, this offer was refused. The justice system considers him to be at “risk of flight”. Jim Donegan was arrested on his return from a holiday at Dublin airport in June 2024, released on bail during extradition proceedings. If convicted, he faces a maximum sentence of two years due to the legislation for offences related to the “Troubles” during the Civil War.

Source: https://secoursrouge.org/irlande-du-nord-extradition-de-jim-donegan/

abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=

Communique by Mapuche Political Prisoners in Temuco Prison on Raids, Beatings and Transfers

In the face of raids, brutal beatings and unjustified transfers, Mapuche Political Prisoners in the Temuco prison charge that these events are part of a broader strategy that seeks to dismantle the existing community modules in Chilean prisons.

“PUBLIC STATEMENT BY MAPUCHE POLITICAL PRISONERS, CCP TEMUCO COMMUNITY MODULE

The Mapuche political prisoners held in the Temuco prison salute our traditional authorities, Pu Lonko, Pu Werken and Pu Machi, as well as the communities in resistance, and declare the following:

On Monday, March 31, at approximately 10:30 a.m., we were violently raided in the first instance by officials of this penal facility, who were later reinforced by personnel of the U.S.E.P.

As a result of this act, innumerable damages were caused, such as the destruction of furniture, the theft of sporting goods, the arbitrary and excessive use of tear gas, and various physical and verbal aggressions (verbatim words of Lieutenant Martínez and Sergeant Ramírez: “Indios Culiaos, Indios Perkines”).

The most affected peñi was Rodrigo Cáseres Salamanca, who underwent surgery on his right arm less than six months ago and is still in the process of rehabilitation. However, this was not an impediment for the Gendarmerie officials, who continued with the beating without any consideration.

Despite their state of health, the Peñi Rodrigo Cáseres Salamanca, Patricio Queipul and Anthu Llanca were transferred to three different prisons: Angol, Valdivia and Concepción. Where they were sent to maximum security modules, without the right to TV or radio, with a regime of 22 hours of solitary confinement, and 2 hours of courtyard.

It should be noted that the latter two were recently acquitted of a set-up orchestrated by the Gendarmerie of the Angol prison.

We see with this as a first conclusion that the orchestrators of the raid were: the recently transferred Lieutenant Hernández from the concessioned prison of Concepción, who on Monday, March 31, occupied the position of deputy warden, the operational chief of the OSI Mijail Morales, the non-commissioned officer Martínez and Sergeant Ramírez, directed and protected by Néstor Flores, regional director of the gendarmerie.

It is evident that what happened is part of a provocative maneuver directed against the Mapuche political prisoners, and we know that this is only one piece of a broader strategy that seeks to dismantle the existing modules of community members in the Chilean prisons located in our Wallmapu.

This intention is clearly demonstrated by the modifications in the internal regime that will be implemented arbitrarily, without prior notice and under the direction of Lieutenant Hernández. Added to this is the daily harassment to which we are subjected, which is manifested through sanctions that are not officially recorded, which rather respond to racist attributions on the part of Gendarmerie officials.

This strategy is also supported by the entire political class, which acts at the service of business interests, the gendarmerie is nothing more than a puppet institution of political interests and the business community.

We demand that our status as Mapuche political prisoners be respected, as well as our culture, social practices and worldview. Ratified by ILO Convention 169.

From the political prisoners module of the Temuco prison, we call for solidarity with the peñi transferred to the prisons of Angol, Valdivia and Concepción.

In addition, we urge to be alert to the repressive and offensive maneuvers directed against the Mapuche political prisoners modules and the eventual mobilizations that may arise.

Immediate transfers of Rodrigo Caseres Salamanca, Patricio Queipul Millanao and Anthu Llanca Quidel to the CCP Temuko community module.

Freedom for All Mapuche Political Prisoners.

For unity in the Weichan

Presos Políticos Mapuche CCP Temuko.»

https://radiokurruf.org/2025/04/02/comunicado-presos-politicos-mapuche-carcel-de-temuco-ante-allanamiento-golpiza-y-traslados/

abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=

Continued thread

(Chile) Anarchist Comrade Francisco Solar Comes Out of Isolation After 5 years

"After spending almost 5 years in solitary confinement, touring different maximum security modules and facing the recent hardening of the prison regime that kept him with 21 hours of confinement in the cell, without TV or radio and with restrictions on visits, today we have news regarding his situation in prison."

abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/179 via @amwenglish

abolitionmedia.noblogs.org(Chile) Anarchist Comrade Francisco Solar Comes Out of Isolation After 5 years – Abolition Media
More from abolitionmedia

Message of Dimitris Chatzivasileiadis for the Trial of Comrade Daniela Klette

The whole game of the German state on the comrades Daniela Klette, Ernst Volker Staub and Burkhard Garweg is an operation of psychological warfare, what they call in their terminology psy ops. In addition to the always fruitless attempt of the counter-insurgency to isolate revolutionary struggle, in this hunt it wants to torture the living history, to bury it under the concrete, in order to spread the idea that all resistance is eventually exterminated, to instill terror in the new revolutionary generations. The act of evading from the counter-insurgency’s dragnet is an important resistance: It removes from the state the opportunity to hold the ritual of the “final act”. For this reason, its vengeance against defiant history, now manifested on the body and person of comrade Daniela, is rampant.

The fugitives prove that the passage to free life cannot be blocked. Despite the capitulation of the revolutionary organization, the three comrades have lived for decades in the struggle for the self-organization of proletarian life against the chains of class discipline and bourgeois civilization that kills for money. Now it is in the hands of all of us to pass on the history of the comrades to the current resistances. The hearts that refuse to live enslaved do not leave the final act to any master. And because every “final” word of the state, political, judicial, economic, scientific, determines the crushing of the common body, we will do everything to end Daniela Klette’s captivity.

The most important political legacy of the German revolutionary movement is the strategic and organic internationalism. Burkhard to this day is not hiding, he is singing for the bloodied body of Palestine, of Kurdistan, of the poly-ethnic proletariat and the Earth. The familiar old Europe of colonial war, nationalism and imperialism wants to put Daniela on trial. Let the vampires understand that our people are not for their teeth.

Dimitris Chatzivasileiadis

20-03-2025

Domokos prison

https://athens.indymedia.org/post/1634702/

abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=

#Turkey #fascists #Erdogon #PoliticalPrisoners

"Istanbul Mayor Ekrem Imamoglu has arrived at prison after a Turkish court formally placed him under arrest pending trial on corruption charges, days after his detention triggered mass protests across the country.

Imamoglu arrived at Marmara Prison on Sunday near Istanbul’s Silivri district. He has called for more nationwide protests."

aljazeera.com/news/2025/3/23/t

Al Jazeera · Turkish court orders Istanbul mayor Imamoglu jailed pending trialBy Al Jazeera

Tag der politischen Gefangenen – Free all Antifas!

Am 18. März 2025 fand die diesjährige Demonstration zum Tag der politischen Gefangenen in Solidarität mit #Nanuk an der JVA #Moabit statt. Rund 250 Antifaschist*innen solidarisierten sich mit allen Antifas, die in Gefängnissen sitzen, im Untergrund leben oder #Repressionen ausgesetzt sind. Sie forderten die Freilassung aller politischer Gefangenen und die Rückkehr von #Maja, die illegal nach Ungarn ausgeliefert wurde und dort unter menschenrechtswidrigen Verhältnissen gefangen gehalten wird und keine Chance auf ein faires Verfahren hat.

Zu unseren Fotos

My Name is Mahmoud Khalil and I Am a Political Prisoner

 

My name is Mahmoud Khalil and I am a political prisoner. I am writing to you from a detention facility in Louisiana where I wake to cold mornings and spend long days bearing witness to the quiet injustices underway against a great many people precluded from the protections of the law.

Who has the right to have rights? It is certainly not the humans crowded into the cells here. It isn’t the Senegalese man I met who has been deprived of his liberty for a year, his legal situation in limbo and his family an ocean away. It isn’t the 21-year-old detainee I met, who stepped foot in this country at age nine, only to be deported without so much as a hearing.

Justice escapes the contours of this nation’s immigration facilities.

On March 8, I was taken by DHS agents who refused to provide a warrant, and accosted my wife and me as we returned from dinner. By now, the footage of that night has been made public. Before I knew what was happening, agents handcuffed and forced me into an unmarked car. At that moment, my only concern was for Noor’s safety. I had no idea if she would be taken too, since the agents had threatened to arrest her for not leaving my side. DHS would not tell me anything for hours — I did not know the cause of my arrest or if I was facing immediate deportation. At 26 Federal Plaza, I slept on the cold floor. In the early morning hours, agents transported me to another facility in Elizabeth, New Jersey. There, I slept on the ground and was refused a blanket despite my request.

My arrest was a direct consequence of exercising my right to free speech as I advocated for a free Palestine and an end to the genocide in Gaza, which resumed in full force Monday night. With January’s ceasefire now broken, parents in Gaza are once again cradling too-small shrouds, and families are forced to weigh starvation and displacement against bombs. It is our moral imperative to persist in the struggle for their complete freedom.

Presidents Shafik, Armstrong, and Dean Yarhi-Milo laid the groundwork for the U.S. government to target me by arbitrarily disciplining pro-Palestinian students and allowing viral doxing campaigns—based on racism and disinformation—to go unchecked.

I was born in a Palestinian refugee camp in Syria to a family which has been displaced from their land since the 1948 Nakba. I spent my youth in proximity to yet distant from my homeland. But being Palestinian is an experience that transcends borders. I see in my circumstances similarities to Israel’s use of administrative detention — imprisonment without trial or charge — to strip Palestinians of their rights. I think of our friend Omar Khatib, who was incarcerated without charge or trial by Israel as he returned home from travel. I think of Gaza hospital director and pediatrician Dr. Hussam Abu Safiya, who was taken captive by the Israeli military on December 27 and remains in an Israeli torture camp today. For Palestinians, imprisonment without due process is commonplace.

I have always believed that my duty is not only to liberate myself from the oppressor, but also to liberate my oppressors from their hatred and fear. My unjust detention is indicative of the anti-Palestinian racism that both the Biden and Trump administrations have demonstrated over the past 16 months as the U.S. has continued to supply Israel with weapons to kill Palestinians and prevented international intervention. For decades, anti-Palestinian racism has driven efforts to expand U.S. laws and practices that are used to violently repress Palestinians, Arab Americans, and other communities. That is precisely why I am being targeted.

While I await legal decisions that hold the futures of my wife and child in the balance, those who enabled my targeting remain comfortably at Columbia University. Presidents Shafik, Armstrong, and Dean Yarhi-Milo laid the groundwork for the U.S. government to target me by arbitrarily disciplining pro-Palestinian students and allowing viral doxing — based on racism and disinformation—to go unchecked.

Knowing fully that this moment transcends my individual circumstances, I hope nonetheless to be free to witness the birth of my first-born child.

Columbia targeted me for my activism, creating a new authoritarian disciplinary office to bypass due process and silence students criticizing Israel. Columbia surrendered to federal pressure by disclosing student records to Congress and yielding to the Trump administration’s latest threats. My arrest, the expulsion or suspension of at least 22 Columbia students — some stripped of their B.A. degrees just weeks before graduation — and the expulsion of SWC President Grant Miner on the eve of contract negotiations, are clear examples.

If anything, my detention is a testament to the strength of the student movement in shifting public opinion toward Palestinian liberation. Students have long been at the forefront of change — leading the charge against the Vietnam War, standing on the frontlines of the Civil Rights Movement, and driving the struggle against apartheid in South Africa. Today, too, even if the public has yet to fully grasp it, it is students who steer us toward truth and justice.

The Trump administration is targeting me as part of a broader strategy to suppress dissent. Visa-holders, green-card carriers, and citizens alike will all be targeted for their political beliefs. In the weeks ahead, students, advocates, and elected officials must unite to defend the right to protest for Palestine. At stake are not just our voices, but the fundamental civil liberties of all.

Knowing fully that this moment transcends my individual circumstances, I hope nonetheless to be free to witness the birth of my first-born child.

abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=

My Name is Mahmoud Khalil and I Am a Political Prisoner

 

My name is Mahmoud Khalil and I am a political prisoner. I am writing to you from a detention facility in Louisiana where I wake to cold mornings and spend long days bearing witness to the quiet injustices underway against a great many people precluded from the protections of the law.

Who has the righ

abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/176

abolitionmedia.noblogs.orgMy Name is Mahmoud Khalil and I Am a Political Prisoner – Abolition Media
More from abolitionmedia

Heute vor 100 Jahren begann in #Hamburg ein #Hungerstreik von 75 kommunistischen Insassen der #Haftanstalt #Fuhlsbüttel - einer der Aufhänger für den Beitrag unseres Redaktionsmitglieds zum Thementeil #PolitischeGefangene:

▶ Max Buschmann, „Freiheit oder Hungertod“. Hungerstreiks als Protestform politischer Gefangener in der frühen #WeimarerRepublik, #WerkstattGeschichte 80/2019, werkstattgeschichte.de/abstrac

@histodons @historikerinnen

The Bittersweet Taste of Freedom: an Interview with a Former Palestinian Prisoner

As part of the ceasefire deal between Israel and Hamas, Amir Abu Raddaha was freed from Israeli prison after 23 years. He spoke to Mondoweiss about his time behind bars, and the horrific conditions of Palestinian prisoners since October 7.

On the cold morning of February 15, 2025, hundreds of Palestinians gathered at the Ramallah Cultural Palace to receive the sixth batch of released prisoners as part of the first phase of the ceasefire deal between Hamas and Israel. This group was the smallest of the prisoner exchanges, as only nine Palestinians were released into the West Bank. At noon, the white minibus marked with the Red Cross logo approached the entrance of the municipal building, and the crowd began to press forward to get closer to the vehicle.

The door opened, and a thin figure emerged. Wearing a light gray sweatshirt, head shaven, and with a light white beard, the man exiting the bus took his first breath of freedom in 23 years. His name was Amir Abu Raddaha. He was arrested by the Israeli army in 2002 and sentenced to life in prison.

Before he touched the ground, the released prisoner was lifted on the shoulders of people in the crowds. He was soon wrapped in a jacket and carried toward the inner courtyard. Hands reached out to touch him, and chants resonated as the next released prisoner came out of the bus and was carried through the crowd.

During his time in Israeli prison, Raddaha went through it all; search raids, restrictions on living conditions, hunger strikes, denial of family visitation, deliberate medical neglect, and much more that he prefers to keep to himself -especially regarding the period following October 7, 2023.

At one point, Abu Raddaha coincided with his two other brothers, Amin and Mousa, in Israeli detention, although they were separated most of the time. He lost both his parents while in prison, and his mother never got to visit him.

Freed Palestinian prisoners greeted by relatives as they arrive in Ramallah’s Cultural Palace after being released from Israeli prison, February 15, 2025. (Photo: Qassam Muaddi/Mondoweiss)

While most of the media coverage of the prisoner exchanges focused on Israeli captives, their names, their stories, their testimonies, and their health conditions, very little media attention has been given to Palestinian prisoners emerging from conditions that have never been worse in the history of the Palestinian prisoners’ movement. Detention, imprisonment, and release is almost a rite of passage in Palestine, making up one of the most important collective experiences in Palestinian society. Palestinian prisoners appear in Palestinian art, literature, and everyday language, and they have devised special rituals of community support, celebration of release, and coping through anguish.

Since 1967, more than a million Palestinians have been detained — almost half of the male population of Palestine. A common saying in Palestine is that not a single household doesn’t have a member that was imprisoned at one point in their lives.

This is why the current prisoner exchange between Hamas and Israel marks one of the most important episodes of the long story of the Palestinian prisoners’ movement. Mondoweiss sat with Amir Abu Raddaha after his release in his home in al-Am’ari refugee camp in Ramallah to listen to this part of the story.

Mondoweiss: How was your life before your first detention in 1990?

Amir Abu Raddaha: I was a regular child growing up in the camp. People were very close to each other, and everybody was like family. In my house, nobody was allowed to eat unless we were all at the table. I played in the streets and began to see the difference between the refugee camp and the rest of the city. As a teenager, I worked with my brother in his metalworking shop. I first realized what the occupation was at the age of 14 during the First Intifada, and I became active in the Intifada. I was first arrested at the age of 17 and was released in 1999 at the age of 27 as part of [the wave of pardons that were part of] the Oslo Accords.

How were you arrested the second time?

Amir Abu Raddaha: In the Second Intifada, I was working in the Palestinian security forces, and I joined a cell belonging to the al-Aqsa Martyrs Brigades, the armed wing of Fatah. In 2002, during the Israeli invasion of Ramallah, I was besieged alongside a group of fellow fighters at the headquarters of the Palestinian Preventive Security Forces in Beitunia in southern Ramallah. We were besieged for three days while Israeli Apache helicopters opened fire at us. I prepared to die because I didn’t think that we would come out alive. But then the Israeli army threatened to bomb the building if we didn’t give ourselves up, and since there were employees and civilians in the building, we decided to surrender. Later, I was given a life sentence for taking up arms against the occupation.

How did you rethink your own life when you have a life sentence?

Amir Abu Raddaha: It is difficult to survive prison while thinking of the life you left outside, so you need to adapt. Prisoners have created their own society in jail. We had our own library, which we built through books that prisoners at the time could receive during family visits, and we had courses and classes. I used my time and continued my studies until I obtained my Bachelor’s degree in political sciences and a Master’s degree in sociology.

How were your years in prison before October 2023?

Amir Abu Raddaha: For the first three years, I wasn’t allowed to receive any visitors. I lost my mother during this period before she could visit me. A prisoner one day came from a family visit and he was whispering something to other prisoners, so I asked him what had happened, and then he told me that my mother had died. My father kept visiting me until 2008. He was losing his hearing and had a lot of difficulties visiting me, so I told him to stop coming. My sisters were the ones who visited me after that. One day, another prisoner came from a visit and brought me the news that my father had died.

In the last two years before October 7, prison conditions were deteriorating. The prison service cut off many food items, replaced the daily bread with low-quality and leftover bread, and reduced water time. Room raids were increasing, with increasingly more violent search sessions. They would take us out of the room and spend up to six hours searching every detail, including our personal things, in a room 7 meters by 4 meters.

There were administrative detainees with me in prison, and I remember Bahaa Sharawneh from Dura, near Hebron, who is still under administrative detention for the fourth or fifth renewal in a row. We had won many rights throughout the years, including our right to study in prison, to have books, to self-organize, and to have collective representation through hard struggle. There was the big mass hunger strike of 2004, then those of 2012 and 2017, and many rounds of confrontation in between. We felt that the occupation was trying to take those hard-won rights away. We felt that a big attack on prisoners was on the way, and had actually begun, and we were preparing to face it.

How did things change after October 7?

Amir Abu Raddaha: On October 7, there was news that an attack happened from Gaza and that Israeli soldiers were captured. The first thing I thought was that there was finally hope for a prisoner exchange that could get us released. Then the news began to report increasing numbers of Israelis captured; 30, then 60, and it kept going up. Then I understood that we were heading towards war.

The next day, and it was a Sunday, we began to face the reaction of the occupation’s prison services. They raided the rooms and confiscated all electronic devices. They also took all the books that we had gathered for years and threw them in the garbage, only leaving us copies of the Quran. They also suspended the yard time we previously had, and for six months after October 7, we had no yard time at all. We spent the entire time inside the rooms. They also informed us that they were not going to recognize any collective organization or prisoner representation and that each prisoner spoke only for himself.

They closed the “cantine,” or the prison store where we bought our food with the balance that our families topped up in our names to make up for the lack of food items in the prison system. It was all gone. In my cell block, we were lucky because the officer in charge allowed us to take the remaining food in the cantine before closing it for good, and that food helped us get through the first months of the war. Other cell blocks didn’t have that chance.

“I saw prisoners fainting in front of me because they hadn’t eaten enough.”

Food quality in the meals given to us dropped immediately. For breakfast, they began to bring one spoon of yogurt of less than 100 grams and a piece of bread for each person. At noon, they bring lunch for each room. The quantity is so small that every prisoner gets a share of three to four spoons of rice, and the same quantity of soup. The soup itself is just boiled water with some vegetables in it, without any flavor. It was only enough to keep us alive. I saw prisoners fainting in front of me because they hadn’t eaten enough.

The cells began to become overcrowded. In the beginning, we were six people in a 7×4 meter room [23×13 feet]. Then more detainees were brought in, and the number kept rising until we were 14 people in the same room. Fourteen men in 7 meters by 4, without being allowed out for a single minute, for six months straight. We took turns standing and walking.

We weren’t given clean clothes either, and I spent these six months with the same underwear, washing it manually. Some prisoners got scabies, and it was a horrible thing to witness. One prisoner couldn’t sleep at night because of the pain, and his skin was in such bad condition that it looked perforated. He couldn’t stand up or walk properly.

After the first six months, they began to allow us to have some yard time, and we were able to shower. However, because there was only one shower for the entire cell block, we took turns by day, so each day, six of us would shower. We also began to be given changes of clothes.

Did you know what was happening outside, especially in Gaza?

Amir Abu Raddaha: We were completely cut off from the world. We had no radio, television, or newspaper. Our source of information about what was happening outside was the prisoners who had court hearings and could talk to the lawyers, and then came back and told us the news. After the first six months, we began to be allowed to receive lawyer visits, but not family visits, and then we received more news. That’s how we learned about the raid on al-Shifa hospital or the invasion of Rafah, for example, and that’s how we knew that the number of dead in Gaza had reached 10, then 20, then 30 thousand.

How did you learn about the ceasefire?

Amir Abu Raddaha: The day of the ceasefire I was summoned for an interrogation session, and I asked the Israeli intelligence officer what the news was, and if the war was ever going to end. He told me that he didn’t know anything, and then he received a message which was obviously important news, because he reacted as such, but he didn’t tell me anything. Shortly after I was back in the cell, the news arrived in another cell and then spread that there was a ceasefire agreement. We all felt a huge relief and celebrated. Many kneeled to the floor thanking God.

We had no information about the names of those who were going to be released. There was a first round of prisoners being exchanged, and we all had high expectations. A week later, the officer in my cell block came to our room and told me to gather my things. I asked him if I was being transferred to another prison. He said no and then asked me not to ask any more questions. There were five more in the same cell block who were informed in the same way, and we all understood we were the next batch of released prisoners. I said goodbye to my roommates, gathered the little clothes I had, and left with the guard.

How did you feel in that moment?

Amir Abu Raddaha: I didn’t feel the way I thought I would. My sadness and anguish for leaving the others behind in these conditions was much greater than my joy of leaving prison. They all told me to keep advocating for them, at least to ease the conditions of their detention.

What was the release process like?

Amir Abu Raddaha: First, we were taken to the Rimon prison in the south. There, we were strip-searched. They took all our clothes and gave us jail overalls. Then they put us in a waiting room where I met prisoners from other jails, and we chatted a little before we were led to a bus. Neither I nor anyone else from the prisoners knew for sure that we were being released, so we began to take guesses. I have been transferred many times to and from the Rimon prison, so I knew the way almost by heart. I told the other prisoners that if the bus turned left, then it was taking us to the Naqab desert to the prison there. But if it turns right, then we’re going to Ramallah. Fortunately, it went right.

“The interrogator showed me video footage of the destruction of Gaza and told me that it all was our fault, we, the prisoners. I asked how it could be my fault if I was in prison for twenty years, and he replied that all those people died just so that we could be released.”

As we approached Ramallah, the weather became increasingly cold, and we had nothing on us but the jail overalls, and as we approached Ramallah it got colder, and we began to shake. Then we arrived at the Ofer prison, outside of Ramallah. I was interrogated again there, and the interrogator showed me video footage of the destruction of Gaza and told me that it all was our fault, we, the prisoners. I asked how it could be my fault if I was in prison for twenty years, and he replied that all those people died just so that we could be released. I told him that I didn’t kill those people and that his government did.

Then I was taken to a medical check-up and was put in a room, which was my final station before being released. I stayed there for 18 days, from January 29 to February 15, waiting for my turn. Two other batches were released before me, and we began to worry that the ceasefire deal might have collapsed, but a prison guard told us that we shouldn’t worry and that if we made it this far we would be released.

“Before leaving, the prison guards gave us gray sweatshirts with an inscription on it that said, ‘We do not forget, we do not forgive.’”

Finally, one morning, the deputy director of the Ofer prison came and called on the names of seven of us, and we were taken to another waiting room for several hours until the Red Cross employees came. Then the guards brought us breakfast. The Red Cross took all our personal information, and from that moment on, we were no longer in the custody of the occupation army, but in that of the Red Cross. Before leaving, the prison guards gave us gray sweatshirts with an inscription on them that said, “We do not forget, we do not forgive,” and took off our handcuffs. I told the prisoners with me that these were the last handcuffs we would wear. Then we got on the Red Cross bus, which began to drive us to Ramallah.

Amir Abu Raddaha greeted by relatives upon arriving at Ramallah’s Cultural Palace following his release from Israeli prison as part of a ceasefire prisoner swap between Israel and Hamas, February 15, 2025. (Photo: Qassam Muaddi/Mondoweiss)

What was the atmosphere on the bus?

Amir Abu Raddaha: In the bus we felt like little boys on a school trip, excited and almost in disbelief. I was counting the seconds, and everybody was talking at the same time. When we arrived at the Ramallah Cultural Palace, I was the first one to leave the bus. I was free for the first time in more than twenty years. My family didn’t recognize me, and my sister fainted when she saw me because she didn’t recognize me.

How are you adapting to your new life so far?

Amir Abu Raddaha: The first night at home, I didn’t sleep. I stayed awake, trying to fathom the fact that I was not in jail. I couldn’t believe that I had my head on a pillow, which I had been deprived of for a year and a half. It was a strange feeling to be able to shower freely the next morning, not to have to stand for count, and to see my little nephews instead of jailers.

I still struggle to get accustomed to it. I also think of the prisoners that I left behind. Not a day goes by without me thinking of them, and of what they are going through right now.

The bittersweet taste of freedom: an interview with a former Palestinian prisoner

abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=

The Bittersweet Taste of Freedom: an Interview with a Former Palestinian Prisoner

As part of the ceasefire deal between Israel and Hamas, Amir Abu Raddaha was freed from Israeli prison after 23 years. He spoke to Mondoweiss about his time behind bars, and the horrific conditions of Palestinian prisoners since October 7.

On the cold morning of February 15, 202

abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/175

abolitionmedia.noblogs.orgThe Bittersweet Taste of Freedom: an Interview with a Former Palestinian Prisoner – Abolition Media
More from abolitionmedia

Next Saturday, March 22nd, Firestorm will be hosting Rattling the Cages co-creator Eric King in conversation with two veterans of the George Jackson Brigade—Janine Bertram and Mark Cook. Together they'll reflect on their experiences as political prisoners and the legacy of one of the most prolific US revolutionary groups in the 1970s, which synthesized movements for women's liberation, queer liberation, and Black power.

Register for this free event and find copies of "Ratting the Cages: Oral Histories of North American Political Prisoners" at firestorm.coop/events/3337-rat. Not sure you can make it? Register anyway and we'll send you a recording of the conversation to stream at your convenience.

#Abolition #PrisonAbolition #MassIncarceration #PrisonIndustrialComplex #QueerHistory #FeministBookstore #PoliticalPrisoners #GeorgeJacksonBrigade #FirestormCoop (- L)